Nepal will hold general elections for its federal and provincial parliaments on November 20, 2022. Over 17.9 million registered voters will elect 165 members to the House of Representatives through first-past-the-post, and another 110 through proportional representation. 330 members of the provincial assemblies will be directly elected, with an additional 220 seats determined by PR.

The elections come 6 months after the municipal polls in May 2022, which saw several intra-party feuds and defections of candidates denied party tickets. This pattern of dissent continues, with prominent leaders like Ghanashyam Bhusal and Prabhu Sah running as independents after leaving their parties.

A notable aspect is the influx of young, independent candidates, many from urban areas, challenging established political figures. This includes medical professionals, activists, and ex-government officials.

The political landscape is also marked by shifting alliances, as parties prioritize electoral interests over ideological differences. The ruling Nepali Congress-led coalition includes former rivals like the CPN-Maoist Center, while the opposition UML has allied with the Rastriya Prajatantra Party.

The Election Commission has introduced stricter campaign guidelines, including for social media use, in an effort to regulate the electoral process.

Identity politics remains a major factor in Nepal’s Terai-Madhesh region, with ongoing social and caste polarization within the Madheshi Morcha (PSP) party. Leaders like Mahantha Thakur and Rajendra Mahato represent “upper castes” and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) respectively, and criticize Yadav’s perceived dominance.

In Sudurpaschim and Lumbini provinces, the Tharu ethnic group is mobilizing politically to gain more influence, with the establishment of the Nagarik Unmukti Party under Resham Chaudhary’s leadership. Despite the government’s agenda for inclusion, Nepal’s political parties have failed to field adequate representation of women, marginalized groups, and ethnic minorities in the upcoming elections. Women make up only 9.3% and 8.7% of candidates at the federal and provincial levels respectively.

“Upper caste” hill groups and OBCs are overrepresented as candidates, while Janajatis, Dalits, and religious minorities like Muslims are grossly underrepresented. This suggests that the idea of inclusion has been reduced to mere tokenism. However, there is some encouraging trend of younger candidates (under 40 and 50 years old) making up 31% and 60% of the total candidates respectively, indicating a potential shift in Nepal’s political landscape.

Evidence shows that local leaders with strong business networks or who are business owners themselves are more likely to secure political candidacy and fund their election campaigns, which are becoming increasingly expensive. The data indicates that at least 201 elected representatives in Nepal have a direct or indirect stake in local businesses, particularly construction-related contracts. This suggests a clear business-politics nexus, where political parties and their leaders depend on businesses to secure funds for their electoral expenses at both the national and sub-national levels.

Further, many major political parties have provided election tickets to members of the business community, including individuals with substantial net worth and ownership of large companies. The lack of effective laws defining conflicts of interest has allowed these business leaders to participate in and influence parliamentary and executive decisions that favor their own commercial interests.

This dynamic has generated growing public discontent, with a perceived focus by political parties and leaders on securing electoral victory rather than addressing substantive political, development, and economic agendas. The Election Commission of Nepal (ECN) has taken steps to enforce its Code of Conduct and curb campaign violations, but faces challenges in ensuring a truly free and fair electoral process.